Saturday, April 6, 2013

Reading Saving Paradise: Chapter 9


Paradise lost

 


The Gero Cross, Cologne Cathedral 
The Gero cross (commissioned by Archbishop Gero of Cologne and carved by a Saxon artist in the 10th century) is thought to be the oldest western depiction of a dead Christ on the cross.  

In the 11th century, representations of the crucified Christ began appearing throughout Europe; artists also began to show the saints in poses of great suffering; and, as worshipers entered the new cathedrals, they passed under carvings representing the Last Judgment.  

What brought about these changes? Why did Christians turn from a vision of paradise in this life to a focus on the crucifixion and judgment?

Brock and Parker write,  For three decades Charlemagne (742-814) waged a campaign of terror to subdue the Saxons on his northern border. As part of this campaign, Saxons were baptized against their will into Charlemagne’s  version of Christianity.  Descendents of the Saxons produced the Gero cross and other early images of the crucified Christ; and so, to understand the emergence of the dead Christ in Christian imagery, we must recall the Saxons’ story. 

Baptized in blood
 
When the western Roman Empire fell apart in the 6th century, Europe had fragmented into a patchwork of warring dynasties. In northern Europe, Frankish armies fought to subjugate neighboring peoples, including the Saxons. 
 
The Saxons, an agrarian people living on the Rhine, had already embraced Christianity – but their version of the faith mixed elements of their old nature religion (which centered on great holy trees and sacred springs) with more orthodox Christian beliefs.   
 
Before Charlemagne’s conquests, efforts to convert the Saxons to a more orthodox Christianity had met with little success.  The Irish monk Columbanus (590) established Celtic-style monasteries in Saxon territory and taught  Celtic penitential practices; but most Saxons had resisted his teaching.   
 
A century later (719) the pope sent the English monk Boniface to bring orthodox Christianity to the Saxons – and when Boniface cut down a great holy tree, Frankish soldiers were there to enforce his threats. (Boniface is still remembered today as the apostle to Germany, the builder of an alliance between the Carolingian family and the papacy, and the reformer of the Frankish church.)
 
For Charlemagne and his warriors, the cross of Christ was the symbol of the divine power that would lead them to victory and protect them in battle.  Charlemagne used the legend of Constantine’s cross to justify his campaign of violence.  As the clergy traveled with the Frankish armies, the cross – once a sign of life – became a sign of terror. Before each battle, soldiers confessed their sins, then received the Eucharist, believing that communion joined them to the body and blood of the all-powerful Christ, who assured them victory over death. 
 
Converting the Saxons to Carolingian Christianity bound them in treaties of submission.  The Saxons’ sacred places were destroyed, and Charlemagne installed his own bishops and abbots – creating a system to control the population after war had ceased.  
 
Pressed by violence into obedience, the Saxons began to produce art that bore the marks of their baptism in blood.  In the Gero cross, a piece of their once-sacred oak was carved into an effigy of brutalization, and their epic poem, The Dream of the Rood, described the tree’s conversion.
 
 
The Dream of the Rood
The Dream of the Rood was written before the 8th century, and is one of the oldest surviving works in Old English. Composed by an Anglo-Saxon Christian in Northumbria, England, the text circulated throughout northern Europe. The poem evokes the old Saxon ritual gatherings around sacred trees; and in The Dream a splendid holy tree is turned into a bloody shrine.  To read it in translation, go to  http://www.lightspill.com/poetry/oe/rood.html
 
Declare him killed
 
As the Saxon frontier became a battleground between two forms of Christianity, the conflict came to a head over the meaning of the Eucharist.  Saxon theologians argued for the traditional understanding of the Eucharist – it was the glorified, resurrected Christ who was present in the Eucharist.  But Carolingian theologians believed the consecrated elements were the material, historical body of Christ – they argued that it was the crucified Christ who became present.  In the Carolingian liturgy, the Eucharist had become an encounter with Christ the victim and Christ the judge. 
 
By the late 9th century, Carolingian manuscripts included pictures of Christ dead on the cross; though not yet prominent in churches, these images of death appeared in texts used by priests.  Christ’s death began to haunt the western European imagination, riddling it with a diffuse anxiety about existence, a terror of judgment, and a piety of holy suffering.
 
The Carolingian Eucharist also placed enormous control in the hands of the clergy; in each liturgy, they reenacted ritual death; and the clergy were the only ones authorized to prescribe penance.
 
The Christian consensus against killing began to fray when a few 9th century clerics asserted that soldiers should not have to do penance, since they fought with Christ’s support.   
 
The Carolingian Eucharist had been reshaped in imperial terms and used as a strategy for conquest.  But the new liturgy had moved away from its original focus on the life-giving love of Christ, and thus ceased to convey the message of life in its fullness – fellowship with the risen Christ.
 
The arts of resistance
 
 
The Heliand
Written in Old Saxon in the 9th century, the Heliand (the Healer) blends the four gospels into one story.  (Note the columns in the page above – a column for each gospel, and a fifth column synthesizing the narrative.) 

The Heliand was based on a 2nd-century Syrian text from the second century, and it shows the influence of Syrian Christianity: a sense of this world as paradise pervades the text.  Christ’s incarnation, transfiguration and resurrection form the arc of the story – indicating that paradise is the source, the earthly dwelling place, and the ultimate home of Christ and his loyal followers. 

In the Heliand, Jesus’ passion story unfolds as a battle with both demonic and earthly enemies. He outwits his captors through his death; he slips away from his enemies and travels to God.   When his followers take his body down from the cross they bury it in a Saxon grave (forbidden by the Carolingian church).  Roman soldiers are sent to guard the grave, but Christ in a burst of light; then he sets free the captives in Hel’s realm, and opens the road to the green fields of paradise. 

Brock and Parker argue that the Heliand only appeared to express compliance with Carolingian Christianity.  They suggest that the Heliand is actually ‘a hidden transcript of resistance:’  

The multivalences of art, poetry, and story – their ability to carry multiple meanings at once – allow for protest and compliance at the same time, in the same work. 

For Saxons to write in German instead of Latin was in itself an act of defiance – but the story of Jesus’ birth suggests striking parallels between Herod and Charlemagne; and the adult Jesus is a kind of resistance fighter, surrounded by a loyal band of Saxon fighters. 

The Heliand also offered a dissident Eucharist.  Its words echo the old Gallican rite suppressed by Charlemagne, and references to the goodness of the Creation reverberate throughout the poem.  It consistently speaks of this world as beautiful and shining with light.  In its Eucharist Christ’s body and blood possess a ‘making-power,’ the life-creating power of divine creativity. A sharper alternative to the Carolingian theology of the Eucharist can hardly be imagined. 

To see (and hear) The Lord’s Prayer from The Heliand, go to http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t8H9NIhd92Y

 

The  Liber Manualis
To read a fragment of Dhuoda’s composition, go to http://www.ub.edu/duoda/diferencia/html/en/primario13.html

 
Around the time that a monk was composing the Heliand, the noblewoman Dhuoda was writing the Liber Manualis for her son William. The Liber Manualis shows Dhuoda’s  remarkable qualities of heart and mind and her intense affection for her sons and for her husband – in spite of his intrigues at the court. And like the Heliand, the Christianity of the Liber Manualis is this-worldly and life-affirming.

Dhuoda was born in the early 9th century – a time of constant warfare as  Charlemagne’s grandsons fought over the division of his empire.  Dhuoda’s husband Bernard, the ruler of Septimania in southern France, was caught up in this political and military struggle.  To keep her husband in line, Dhuoda’s first son William was held hostage at the court of Charles the Bald; as soon as her second son was born, he was taken away to live with his father. Eventually politics caught up with her family. Her husband was condemned for rebellion and executed in 844; both of her sons were killed in the years that followed.  

Dhoda’s world – Septimania (today’s Languedoc)

But in spite of her struggles, Dhuoda’s faith was still centered on Christ’s incarnation into this world.  Her faith was the core of her advice to her son; like Ephrem the Syrian, Dhuoda prayed that her son would ascend to divinity by a swift-footed and happy ascent with the saints of God, and that he would be alert to recognize the Spirit of God in the world: 

May he deserve to climb the highest peak, swift-footed, happy, with those who are Yours. May his perceptions always be alert, open, to You; may he live blissfully for ever… May Your generous grace penetrate him, with peace and security of body and mind, in which he may flourish in the world, and have children, holding what’s here so as not to lose what’s there.

But as Europe was preoccupied with wars – widespread and local – the  life and faith of Christians were drawn into the ongoing political struggle, and Dhuoda could see violence beginning to creep into the life of the church.  Two centuries after Dhuoda (and within 100 years of the creation of the Gero cross) the Carolingian view of the Eucharist would become established doctrine in Europe, and denying this view of the Eucharist would be heresy.   

But Brock and Parker remind us that images such as the Gero cross vibrated between public and hidden meanings: In public display, the crucifix signaled Saxon submission to the Carolingian’s crucified Christ, the Judge of humanity.  However – as a hidden symbol of resistance – the crucifix unveiled Christ as a co-sufferer with the Saxons in their struggle against a colonizing empire.  Whenever the arts of resistance exert their resurrecting power, imperial injustice is not the last word. 


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